Geopolitical Significance of the West Asia Region, the Israel-Gaza Conflict, and Potential Consequences

The Geopolitical, Economic, and Strategic
Significance of West Asia

West Asia, also known as Western Asia or Southwest Asia, is the westernmost subregion of the Asian continent. This region comprises 20 countries, including Armenia, Azerbaijan (excluding a small territory north of the Greater Caucasus), Bahrain, Cyprus, Egypt (only the Sinai Peninsula), Georgia (excluding a small territory north of the Greater Caucasus), Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey (excluding Turkish Thrace), the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen (excluding Socotra).West Asia region extends from Atlantic coast of North Africa to the western edges of central Asia and lies between the southern littoral of the Mediterranean and north western shores of the Indian Ocean. Its tri-continental location and central position in the world has historically been crossroad of the world.

The incomparable significance of the West Asia region, compared to other regions, is its unique geographical position, being surrounded by twelve seas in a clockwise direction. These are: the Aegean Sea, the Sea of Marmara, the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea, the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden, the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aqaba, the Gulf of Suez, and the Mediterranean Sea.

This region spans a vast area of the Middle East, encompassing nearly 20 countries, 13 of which are Arab states.

Author, Ajay Sharma

Petroleum stands as the dominant industry in the region, serving as a critical source of the world’s energy supply. The economic and strategic importance of the region is emphasized by its staggering ownership of 47.7 percent of the world’s oil and 42.7 percent of its natural gas reserves.

The economy of the West Asia region is characterized by its diversity and substantial economic growth. Turkey leads as the largest economy in the region, followed closely by Saudi Arabia and Iran. This region is swiftly emerging as a significant economic force on the global stage, attracting considerable international capital and cutting-edge technology for its infrastructure development without limitations.

The sea routes traversing West Asia serve as vital arteries for global commodity and energy supplies. A secure environment and unhindered navigation along these routes are imperative for the stability of the world economy, particularly for major economies like China, India, Japan, and South Korea. These nations heavily rely on energy supplies from West Asian countries. China and India, in particular, with their rapid economic growth and aspirations for global influence, exhibit a heightened demand for oil and natural gas. Their assertive economic and chauvinistic attitudes underscore the necessity for ample energy supplies from West Asia to sustain their growth trajectories and geopolitical ambitions.

China and India rank as the second and third largest oil-consuming countries globally, following the USA. Despite being significant oil producers in Asia, with China producing over half of the total production in the region – 5 million barrels per day out of Asia’s 7.4 million barrels per day in 2020 – consumption in both nations continues to escalate rapidly. India, for instance, produced 771,000 barrels per day in the same year. Despite the considerable growth in oil production in these countries, their consumption rates continue to rise remarkably.

China heavily relies on imports to meet its oil requirements, with Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, and Russia being its primary oil suppliers. It imports 59% of its total oil consumption.

India, too, relies heavily on oil and natural gas imports to meet 85% of its demand. Japan and South Korea, the two largest economies in the region, face significant challenges due to their dependency on energy imports. Japan, in particular, remains heavily reliant on oil imports, producing only 490 thousand kiloliters domestically, a figure that continues to decline. Over 99% of Japan’s domestic demand is currently met by foreign crude oil, with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates serving as its main suppliers. In 2022, Japan imported 158.64 million kiloliters of crude oil, highlighting its substantial dependency on West Asian supply.

Similarly, South Korea relies heavily on imports for its energy needs, as its domestic resources are minimal. Nearly 98.8 percent of its oil and natural gas consumption is imported, with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iraq, Qatar, and Oman being its main sources. South Korea allocates approximately 22.1 percent of its total import expenditure towards securing energy resources.

Compared to other countries highly dependent on oil from West Asia, South Korea faces a unique technical challenge. Unlike some of its counterparts, South Korea lacks international oil and natural gas pipelines. Instead, it relies solely on tanker shipments to fulfill the country’s demand for these resources.

For major powers, its significance lies in controlling the world’s largest reserves of fossil oil and natural gas, as well as strategic waterways, which are essential for maintaining dominance in other regions.

West Asia’s significance extends far beyond oil for both advanced and developing countries in Asia and beyond. Their interests in the region encompass various aspects, including commodities, capital investment opportunities, access to high-tech markets, freedom of navigation in waterways, as well as geopolitical and strategic considerations.

The West Asia region holds paramount geopolitical importance globally, serving as a vital resource not only for advanced nations but also for developing countries. It plays a crucial role in meeting the essential needs of both advanced and third-world economies, acting as the lifeblood of their economic systems. For major powers, its significance lies in controlling the world’s largest reserves of fossil oil and natural gas, as well as strategic waterways, which are essential for maintaining dominance in other regions.

Furthermore, for developing countries, West Asia serves as a primary source of economic development. Without a steady supply of petroleum oil and natural gas from this region, the economic progress of many developing nations would be severely hindered, if not impossible.

West Asia: A Hotspot of Inter-Imperialist Contradictions

Since the nineteenth century to the present day, the West Asia region has been a hotspot of inter-imperialist contradictions. Countries such as England, France, Russia, the Ottoman-Turks, Germany, Greece, and Italy struggled for control over the region in the past. For a significant period, England emerged as the main imperialist power in West Asia. However, other powerful countries also exerted influence in various parts of the region. During the Second World War, England held a leading position in the region. The aftermath of the Second World War resulted in a situation characterized by two ideological blocs: the US-led capitalist bloc and the Soviet Union-led socialist bloc.

The Second World War devastated the infrastructures, industrial, and agricultural bases of Western power countries. For the reconstruction of Europe, they needed ample oil and natural gas, which could be supplied by West Asia. They were concerned about the possibility of the Soviet Union controlling the region. In order to prevent Soviet influence in West Asia, the USA, France, England, and Turkey proposed to Egypt the formation of a Middle East Command based at the Suez Canal to secure the wider area of West Asia. This marked the establishment of the first Western multipolar base in the region, aimed at resisting the expansion of Soviet influence towards West Asia. As the Soviet Union evolved into a social imperialist world power, the contradiction between the two superpowers intensified. For more than 35 years, the main rivalry between the USA and the Soviet Union in West Asia became a major dynamic.

However, Russia’s position in the region became comparatively weaker than that of the USA after the end of the bipolar world situation. Over the last decade, Russia has re-emerged as a world power, regaining strength comparable to that of the Soviet Union in this region.

A new phenomenon has emerged regarding the presence of world powers in West Asia, with China emerging as a powerful player in the region. There are four compelling reasons for China’s aggressive entry into the region. Firstly, China’s dependency on West Asia’s oil and natural gas supply is a significant factor. Secondly, West Asia represents an emerging market for commodities, high technology, and capital, which aligns with China’s status as the world’s largest manufacturing country and its accumulation of substantial capital. Moreover, China has become a high-tech world power, further driving its need for potential markets, with West Asia being one of the most promising. Thirdly, West Asia serves as a crucial gateway to Europe and Africa for China, with around two-thirds of China’s exports to these continents passing through the region. Fourthly, West Asia holds particular importance for the success of China’s highly ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The advancement of the BRI largely depends on the development of BRI-related projects in the region.

China’s neutral, non-aligned foreign policy stance has endowed it with a unique ability to increase its engagement in promoting peace and mediating conflicts in the region.

West Asian countries appear to be welcoming China into the region with open arms. They have grown weary of the USA-led Western powers’ interventionist approach and seem to appreciate China’s softer, non-interventionist diplomacy. China’s approach has provided an opportunity to engage with West Asian countries more favorably. Unlike the USA, which has distanced itself from Saudi Arabia over human rights issues, China has chosen to stay neutral on such delicate matters. China has consistently emphasized the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts and has refrained from intervening in them. Its principle is one of non-interference and a commitment to safeguarding common interests through independence and autonomy. China’s neutral, non-aligned foreign policy stance has endowed it with a unique ability to increase its engagement in promoting peace and mediating conflicts in the region. In recent years, China has played a significant role in peace promotion and mediation efforts in high-profile conflicts such as those in Syria and Yemen, as well as in peace negotiations in Afghanistan and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) negotiations. One of its most notable achievements has been fostering an agreement between the longstanding hostile regional powers Saudi Arabia and Iran in 2023.

China’s activities in the West Asian region have gained significant momentum. While the Indo-Pacific has become a focal point of the USA’s overseas strategy and diplomacy in recent years, China has emerged as a significant player in the West Asian region, altering the regional dynamics. China’s interests in West Asia extend beyond energy sources, geopolitical considerations, and strategic interests. The country has invested a substantial amount of money in developing infrastructure and enhancing the military capacity of West Asian countries. China’s main interest in West Asia lies in developing projects related to the BRI. Its significant investment in BRI-related projects in West Asia underscores this fact.

West Asia holds particular significance for the maritime aspects of the BRI, primarily because of China’s reliance on energy imports and its role as a gateway to Europe and Africa for exporting manufactured goods. To support these endeavors, China has made investments in the Red Sea Gateway Terminal, a joint venture between China’s Shipping Port and Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund. This initiative aims to develop and operate a container terminal at the Jeddah Islamic Port.

In 2021, Iraq emerged as the leading recipient of China’s BRI financing, receiving approximately US$10 billion for infrastructure projects in the Autonomous Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq. Additionally, the Iran-China ‘Comprehensive Strategic Partnership’ agreement, estimated at US$400 billion, constitutes about 10 percent of China’s BRI budget. This agreement includes provisions for the joint development of the port of Chabahar and a new oil terminal near the Jask Port, situated south of the Strait of Hormuz. Notably, the Jask Port, traditionally under a long-term contract with India, is now part of the collaboration between Iran and China.

China has a significant plan to expand its digital presence in West Asia. This region holds a prominent position in China’s Digital Silk Road initiative, under which Chinese companies have secured 5G deals with several West Asian countries. Additionally, China has been collaborating to strengthen local cyber strategies with the United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia is also supporting Chinese investments in advanced technology and research. Furthermore, China has increased cooperation with Israel in technology and infrastructure, a development that has raised serious concerns in Washington.

Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates hold significant strategic positions along the sea route connecting Asia, Africa, and Europe. In efforts to reduce their dependency on oil and diversify their economies, both countries are focusing on transforming themselves into regional hubs for ports and transportation. They have initiated comprehensive plans towards this goal, and China’s investments, high-tech development, and involvement in the BRI could prove beneficial for them in achieving their objectives.

Over the past decade, China has become the leading source of foreign investment in West Asia, as well as a major trading partner for several countries, notably Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

China has emerged as the primary economic partner of the region through its strategic investments in infrastructure. The countries in this region have benefited significantly from Chinese investments and technologies, enabling them to develop and diversify their economies. Over the past decade, China has become the leading source of foreign investment in West Asia, as well as a major trading partner for several countries, notably Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

China has emerged as a significant military partner for West Asian countries, increasing its arms sales to the region and conducting joint military exercises with two regional powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran, alongside Russia. Furthermore, China has promoted joint weapons production with these countries. These developments are particularly significant given the strained relations between the USA and some West Asian regional powers, as the USA has been reluctant to sell them more advanced weapons. China has filled this gap by exporting advanced weaponry, including Dongfeng ballistic missiles and Wing Loong bomber drones, thereby strengthening its military ties with the region.

The USA is closely monitoring the burgeoning cooperation between China and West Asian regional powers. It perceives China’s strong and comprehensive presence in West Asia as a strategic maneuver aimed at challenging US longstanding hegemony in the region. The USA is particularly concerned with several aspects:

  1. China’s adept diplomatic maneuvers aimed at diffusing regional tensions and drawing West Asian countries closer to its sphere of influence.
  2. China’s advocacy for oil transactions to occur in Yuan, which has stirred Saudi Arabia’s and Iran’s interest in joining BRICS and has initiated attempts to de-dollarize the process.
  3. China’s efforts to promote multipolarity as a key priority of its foreign policy.
  4. The Iran-Saudi Arabia Agreement of 2023, which the USA views as a strategic peace pact aimed at countering US hegemony.
  5. China’s increasing involvement in enhancing the military capacity of West Asian regional powers.
  6. China’s substantial investments in infrastructure development, particularly related to the BRI infrastructure projects in the region.

India’s interests in the West Asia region extend far beyond oil and natural gas. Since gaining independence, India has pursued not only energy but also geopolitical and strategic interests in this region. It views the region as a potential market for commodities, advanced technology, capital investment, and advanced military weapons. Like China, India seeks to exert influence in the region through these avenues in order to secure its position.

The West Asia region holds critical importance for India’s internal stability, security, and economic prosperity. It serves as the primary source of India’s oil and natural gas supplies, meeting approximately 70 percent of the country’s energy demand. Key West Asian countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Qatar, provide the bulk of oil and natural gas to India. The uninterrupted flow of oil and natural gas from West Asia is indispensable for India’s aggressive economic development and growth, without which it would be challenging to imagine sustaining its rapid economic progress.

India is aspiring to become a potential regional and global power, seeking to ascend to such a position. To achieve this goal, India aims to exert influence not only in its immediate neighborhood but also on a broader scale. Like China, India is pursuing an assertive approach to advance its interests and enhance its standing on the world stage.

From the perspective of the Indian diaspora, the West Asia region holds immense significance for India. The presence of approximately six million Indian expatriate workers in the region results in an annual remittance of nearly US$ 50 billion back to India.

The strong historical civilization and geographical connection between the West Asia region and India provide a solid foundation for their relationship. However, in today’s contemporary context, these factors alone are insufficient to navigate international relations effectively. Recognizing this, India has been diversifying its relations with West Asian countries.

India has evolved into a significant trading partner and contributor to the infrastructure and development of the region. Leveraging its technological advancements, India is open to exporting both technology and technical know-how, including in the nuclear field. This robust position enables India to expand its influence in West Asia and foster deeper ties with the region.

There are several significant reasons that have limited India’s ability to develop comprehensive relations with West Asian countries. Among these reasons, the following stand out:

  1. India’s strained relationship with Pakistan: West Asia is predominantly Islamic, and many countries in the region have close ties with Pakistan. India’s troubled relationship with Pakistan has a direct impact on its relations with West Asian countries, as these ties often influence perceptions and interactions between India and the region.
  2. China’s successful foreign policy and diplomatic initiatives: China’s neutral and non-aligned stance in the region has allowed it to deepen its engagement with West Asian countries. Despite India’s verbal commitment to a similar policy, its actions have not always aligned with this stance. West Asian countries closely monitor India’s international policies and behaviors, particularly in relation to its neighboring countries like Pakistan.
  3. Rising Hindu nationalism: Since Narendra Modi’s rise to power, the Indian government has increasingly promoted Hindu nationalism, which has marginalized minority Muslim and Christian communities. This trend has been observed not only within India but also in its relations with neighboring countries like Nepal. If this trend continues, India and Nepal may undergo a transformation into Hindu states. West Asian countries are keenly aware of these developments and their potential implications.

The USA’s overarching strategy revolves around preventing its competitors from rising on both regional and global scales. This fundamental thesis guides much of its foreign policy. Despite its efforts to thwart such outcomes, Russia and China have already emerged as significant regional and global competitors to the USA, evident in regions like West Asia and the Indo-Pacific.

The current crisis in West Asia can largely be viewed as a reflection of the contradiction between the declining world power of the USA and the rising influence of Russia and China. This situation has the potential to turn the West Asia region into a battleground for US-China rivalry.

The USA is actively working to counter China’s presence in West Asia, with its activities and strategies aimed at achieving this objective. However, China’s foreign policy, rooted in the principles of the UN Charter and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (Panchsheel), has given it leverage to engage in the region. In contrast, the USA’s interventionist policies have gradually lost their effectiveness and leverage in the region over time.

Crises in West Asia and Their Potential Consequences

The current crisis in West Asia emerged with the Hamas attack on Israel, which resulted in the deaths of more than 1,200 Israelis, including military personnel and foreign nationals. However, the Hamas attack on Israel is not the cause in itself; it was produced by other underlying causes. The root cause of this crisis is the longstanding brutal interventionist policy of Israel, supported by the United States, towards the Palestinian people and their state. The establishment of the state of Israel in the predominantly Islamic Arab region simultaneously gave rise to this crisis. Historical facts reveal that the Palestine-Israel dispute is not merely a bilateral issue; regionally, it is a conflict between the Arab world and Israel, and internationally, it is a dispute between the United States and the rest of the world.

The stance of the USA and Israel on the Palestine question contradicts UN resolutions. The Palestine question was initially addressed in the General Assembly in 1947, where Resolution 181 (11) was passed to partition Palestine into two states, Arab and Jewish, with Jerusalem placed under a special international regime. However, the Arab world and the Palestinian people rejected this resolution, primarily due to concerns over the majority of land being allocated to the newly declared Israel state.

Over the past seven decades, Israeli rulers have shown no intention of resolving the critical issues between the two sides. Palestinian people have continued to suffer due to Israeli expansionism, with their territory gradually shrinking. Israeli rulers perpetuate these inhumane behaviors and interventionist activities against the Palestinian people and their state, leveraging their military supremacy and the USA’s right to veto in the UN.

China’s growing relationship with Israel is noteworthy in this context. Even in the present conflict between Hamas and Israel, China is working to find a better solution for both parties. If China succeeds in this case, it would be self-destructive for the USA.

USA’s policy in the West Asia region is its commitment to the security of Israel. The USA works on behalf of Israel and aims to control West Asia through Israel. This is its blunder. Once Israel becomes capable of standing on its own feet, it will surely formulate its own independent foreign policy. At that time, the focus of its foreign policy will undoubtedly be its national interests, not those of others. China’s growing relationship with Israel is noteworthy in this context. Even in the present conflict between Hamas and Israel, China is working to find a better solution for both parties. If China succeeds in this case, it would be self-destructive for the USA.

The Palestine issue remains a constant source of instability in the West Asia region. Without resolving the Palestinian question, achieving lasting security for Israel is not possible. This reality should be internalized by the USA and Israel. However, neither the USA nor Israel seems ready to accept this truth.

What destiny would the USA face if it sticks to its traditional stance regarding the Palestine-Israel question?

Undoubtedly, it would be self-destructive if the US continues its Israel-centered policy in the recent case. On one hand, China and Russia would deepen their influence in the region. On the other hand, it would lead to an unprecedented alliance of opposition in the region.

There is a growing divergence of approaches between the US and Europe, as well as within Europe itself. Additionally, there is a rise in anti-US and anti-Western sentiment in the region. When the USA carried out 85 airstrikes in Iraq and Syria, EU foreign policy Chief Josep Borrel issued a warning, stating that West Asia “is a boiler that can explode.” He called for both sides to “avoid an escalation.”

The increasing divergence of opinion and perception among European partners is making the USA’s position even more untenable. The US opposition to the UN’s call for a ceasefire, despite rising support from the world community, is rendering its strategy and justification unsustainable. Its European and Arab allies alike are opposing its strategy in the recent crisis in West Asia.

There is indeed a significant dilemma at play here. On one hand, Arabian countries desire peace and stability in the West Asia region and oppose the USA’s Israel-centered policy. However, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) is based in Doha, from where the US conducts its Israel-centered military activities. If these countries genuinely wish to curtail such activities and support the Palestinian cause, they would need to take decisive action, such as closing CENTCOM and revoking US military rights in the Eastern Mediterranean and Red Sea.

However, the Arab states’ reliance on US military bases and imports of weapons makes it unlikely for them to immediately sever their security relationship with the USA. Allowing the USA to conduct military activities in such a volatile region makes it challenging to effectively advocate for the rights of the Palestinian people and their territory.

The recent crisis in West Asia poses significant challenges, not only for individual countries but for the entire region and beyond, particularly impacting the economic development of China, India, Japan, and South Korea. If this crisis persists, it has the potential to escalate into a transregional crisis, affecting the 12 seas surrounding the region.

The extension of the crisis to maritime areas presents a significant challenge to the outward supply of oil and natural gas from the region, as well as the inward supply of goods. Incidents such as raids and drone attacks on fuel/chemical tankers in the Gulf of Aden and Oman by groups like the Houthis in Yemen, purportedly in support of Palestine, further exacerbate the situation.

The presence of US and British warships in the region, countering these attacks with intercepts and strikes on anti-ship and ammunition installations, adds to the complexity. Additionally, the US’s deployment of a carrier strike group in the Red Sea, along with its permanent patrol of coast guard boats in the Persian Gulf, contributes to the escalating tensions.

Moreover, the tit-for-tat seizures of critical cargo ships between Iran and the US only serve to further escalate the crisis and heighten international concerns about the stability of the region.

The attacks from both sides pose a significant threat to vital international sea lanes and supply chains, which transport billions of tons of commodities, including oil and gas, as well as luxury goods. Over the past four months, a zone of insecurity has emerged, rapidly deteriorating the security environment in West Asia.

These developments have complex consequences for the freedom of navigation in the Arabian Sea, presenting great strategic risks to India’s maritime security. For example, attacks on oil tankers in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf have led to a gradual reduction in supply rates, reaching their lowest levels in the last two years.

As a result, India, the world’s third-largest crude oil consumer, has deferred a US$ 602 million initiative to fill up part of its strategic reserves. This decision reflects the concerns about the instability in the region and its potential impact on energy security and economic stability.

Similarly, the attack on container ships has terrorized major suppliers, leading to the diversion of their vessels from the Suez Canal and Red Sea to the Cape of Good Hope, spanning many thousands of kilometers. Insurance on India’s US$ 230 billion trade with the US, as well as countries in the EU, East Africa, and West Asia, will rise.

These varied maritime challenges will not impact India alone; China, Japan, South Korea, and other countries in Asia will also be severely affected. The world GDP and global economy will decline beyond our imagination.

This growing situation could disrupt China’s westward shipments via the Suez Canal, which accounts for around 60 percent of its exports to Europe and contributes one-tenth of the Suez Canal’s annual tariff. Furthermore, if disturbances occur in Iran, which serves as India’s gateway to Central Asia, Europe, and Russia, disruptions are inevitable. Iran borders the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of the world’s seaborne oil passes. The consequences of such a situation are beyond imagination.

Nepal’s highest priority should be the protection of its more than one million expatriate Nepalese community, especially in the context of persistent conflict and violence across the region. If such problems emerge, it raises questions about whether Nepal can effectively handle the situation.

In a similar vein, the economies of Japan and South Korea will be affected. If not resolved in a timely manner and based on common consensus, this crisis will also spare no West Asian countries. Firstly, their oil and natural gas exports will collapse by a large percentage, leading to a significant decline in their export income, which is their primary source of revenue. Secondly, their aspirations for economic diversification, modernization, and the development of world-class infrastructure will be disrupted.

As for the consequences Nepal may face if the present crisis continues and worsens, firstly, Nepal relies entirely on imported oil and natural gas. A significant portion of these imports comes from West Asian countries. Although India is the dominant player in Nepal’s oil import affairs, any disruption in India’s oil and gas imports would naturally affect Nepal as well.

Secondly, Nepal’s highest priority should be the protection of its more than one million expatriate Nepalese community, especially in the context of persistent conflict and violence across the region. If such problems emerge, it raises questions about whether Nepal can effectively handle the situation.

Given the challenges faced during the evacuation of about four hundred nationals amidst the Russia-Ukraine war, it can be inferred that evacuating more than one million Nepali expatriates during a conflict would be nearly impossible for Nepal.

If such situations were to occur, it would be dreadful for the country, the expatriate Nepali community, and their families.

To prevent disaster from striking the world, it is crucial to ensure stability and security in West Asia. The rulers of the USA and Israel have long been implicated in the region’s instability and insecurity. They bear responsibility for the deaths of more than thirty thousand Palestinian people, including over twenty thousand children, neo-burn, men, and women in the recent war.

Countries across South Asia, East Asia, Europe, Africa, and West Asia are acutely aware of the potential consequences if the crisis in West Asia remains unchecked.

These individuals should be held accountable for their actions and treated accordingly as war criminals. Such justice would indeed be a rightful measure for the millions of Palestinian people who died in the recent Israeli military attacks.

Many people argue that the current crisis in West Asia will lead to the failure of the region. However, objective facts do not support this view. Such thinking is subjective and does not align with the objective reality.

Countries across South Asia, East Asia, Europe, Africa, and West Asia are acutely aware of the potential consequences if the crisis in West Asia remains unchecked. These regions are interconnected economically, meaning that the consequences of the crisis will not be limited to any single country or region. Instead, all these regions will face its consequences together.

Recognizing the potential repercussions, political leaders in these regions are unlikely to allow the situation to escalate further. I believe that compromise and negotiation tactics between the powerful countries in these regions can still be effective in resolving the crisis.

It’s true that the USA may not face the same immediate consequences as other regions if the crisis in West Asia escalates. Its primary concern is maintaining its longstanding hegemony in the region. The economic losses that may arise from the crisis are something the USA can likely afford.

In this context, it’s possible that the USA, using its alliance with Israeli rulers, may resort to extreme measures to protect its imperialist interests in the region. The fact that the USA opposes the UN’s call for a ceasefire further underscores this point.

Ultimately, I believe that the Israeli people will not allow the fascist rulers of their state to continue unchecked indefinitely. They should strive to understand that the conflict spanning seven decades between Palestine and Israel is not natural but is instead sponsored by US imperialism and its lackeys, the Israeli rulers.

History has bestowed upon the Israeli people the responsibility to put an end to this situation permanently and to create an environment where both peoples of the two states can live peacefully. The unity and togetherness of the Palestinian people can serve as an encouraging factor for the Israeli people in this historical endeavor. Therefore, the Palestinian people should prepare themselves for this important role.

(Author Sharma is a Marxist political economist.)